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Prabha Koyarh
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Anti-Defection Law in India

  • May 15, 2026
  • Prabha Koyarh
Anti-Defection Law in India
Anti-Defection Law in India
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In 1967, the rapid-fire floor-crossing of Haryana MLA Gaya Lal gave birth to the legendary phrase “Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram,” signaling an era where political loyalty was a revolving door. Fast forward to 2026, and that door is still spinning with a modern, high-stakes twist.

From the recent shock of seven AAP Rajya Sabha MPs merging with the BJP to avoid disqualification, to the dramatic AIADMK split where 25 MLAs defied their party leadership to back the TVK government in Tamil Nadu’s floor test, the spirit of Gaya Lal remains very much alive. These events expose a fundamental paradox: while the Tenth Schedule was enacted to ensure legislative stability, today’s mergers and rebel factions often exploit technical legal loopholes to circumvent the very morality the law was meant to uphold.

As we witness these contemporary shifts, it is clear that while the faces have changed, the fundamental question remains: Does the Anti-Defection Law protect the sanctity of the voter’s mandate, or has it simply become a rule book for more sophisticated political maneuvers? This article examines the legacy of the 1985 amendment and why, in an era of fractured mandates and strategic mergers, the law is facing its most significant test yet. 

Table of Contents

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  • The Tenth Schedule: Decoding the Constitutional Shield 
  • The Two-Thirds Rule: From Splits to Strategic Mergers 
  • The Speaker’s Role: Arbiter or Actor? 
  • Resignations and Floor Tests: The New Playbook for Power 
  • Judicial Interventions: Navigating the Grey Zones
  • The Verdict: Does the Law Still Serve the Voter?

The Tenth Schedule: Decoding the Constitutional Shield 

The Tenth Schedule, introduced by the 52nd Amendment in 1985, was the legislature’s response to political instability. It lays down the process by which legislators may be disqualified (loses their membership in the house) on grounds of defection by the Presiding Officer of a legislature based on a petition by any other member of the House. The law applies to both Parliament and State Assemblies.  

There are two primary triggers for disqualification: 

  • Voluntary Relinquishment: If a member voluntarily gives up the membership of his party. The Supreme Court in Ravi Naik vs Union of India, 1994 has interpreted that in the absence of a formal resignation by the member, the giving up of membership can be inferred by his conduct (like campaigning for an opponent). 
  • Defying the Whip: if a member disobeys the directives of the party leadership on a vote.

The logic behind this is that when a citizen votes for a candidate, they are often voting for the party’s manifesto. Defecting is, therefore, a breach of the political contract with the voter. 

The Two-Thirds Rule: From Splits to Strategic Mergers 

Originally, the law protected a split if one-third of the members left. However, this led to mass defections. The 91st Amendment (2003) significantly strengthened the law by mandating that at least two-thirds of the legislative party must agree to merge with another party to avoid disqualification. 

This provision of merger was utilized in the recent AAP-BJP development. By ensuring seven of its ten Rajya Sabha MPs merged with BJP constituting over two-thirds of the party’s original ten members. Legally, the law no longer views this as a betrayal by individuals, but as a collective decision by the party unit, which the law currently protects. 

The Speaker’s Role: Arbiter or Actor? 

The Speaker of the House is the sole authority to decide on disqualification. In the landmark Kihoto Hollohan (1992) case, the Supreme Court upheld this power but clarified that the Speaker’s decision is subject to Judicial Review on grounds of mala fides or constitutional infirmity. 

The practical challenge today is the timed delay. The law does not specify a time-period for the Presiding Officer to decide on a disqualification plea. Given that courts can intervene only after the Presiding Officer has decided on the matter, the petitioner seeking disqualification has no option but to wait for this decision to be made. There have been several cases where the Courts have expressed concern about the unnecessary delay in deciding such petitions.1

 When a Speaker sits on a disqualification petition for months (or years), it allows a defecting member to continue voting and even serve as a Minister, effectively rendering the law toothless during the crucial period of a government’s tenure. 2

Resignations and Floor Tests: The New Playbook for Power 

We are seeing a shift from defection to strategic resignation. In the AIADMK-TVK context in Tamil Nadu, the legal maneuver isn’t always about joining a new party. Sometimes, it is about cross-voting or abstaining.

If 25 MLAs defy a whip to support a floor test, they risk disqualification. However, if the government survives the vote because of their support, the defection has already achieved its political purpose. The legal process of disqualifying them is slow, whereas the political change is instant. This creates a ”buy-now, pay-later” model of political loyalty.

Judicial Interventions: Navigating the Grey Zones

The judiciary has increasingly had to act as a referee. Since the law doesn’t specify a time frame for the Speaker to decide, the Supreme Court in the Keisham Meghachandra Singh v Speaker, Manipur Legislative Assembly (2020) has suggested that disqualification petitions should ideally be decided within three months.

Furthermore, courts are now looking at internal party democracy. When two factions both claim to be the real party (as seen in recent Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu disputes), the court must decide who has the right to issue the Whip, the legislative majority or the organizational leadership.

The Verdict: Does the Law Still Serve the Voter?

While the Anti-Defection Law stopped the era of individual “retail” defections, it has inadvertently encouraged “wholesale” defections through mergers and mass resignations.

The law currently struggles to distinguish between a genuine ideological shift and a calculated power grab. To protect the sanctity of the mandate in 2026, we may need to reconsider the Speaker’s absolute discretion and perhaps shift the adjudicatory power to an independent body like the Election Commission as suggested by the Dinesh Goswami Report on Electoral reforms, 1990. 

Until then, the Tenth Schedule remains a work in progress.

  1. Speaker, Haryana Vidhan Sabha Vs Kuldeep Bishnoi & Ors., 2012, https://indiankanoon.org/doc/45034065/ and Mayawati Vs Markandeya Chand & Ors., 1998, https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1801522/. ↩︎
  2. Anti-Defecton Law Ignored, November 30, 2017, http://www.news18.com/news/politics/anti-defection-law-ignored-as-mlas-defect-to-tdp-trs-in-andhra-pradesh-and-telangana-1591319.html ↩︎

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Prabha Koyarh

Prabha Koyarh is an Advocate and Legal Consultant practicing in New Delhi and Jaipur. With extensive experience in the Delhi District Courts, Delhi High Court and Rajasthan High Court, she specialises in civil litigation, criminal defense, matrimonial disputes, POSH and constitutional law. Known for her strategic acumen and dedication to justice, Prabha combines legal expertise with a passion for educating the public on their rights. She founded Koyarh.com to simplify complex legal concepts and provide accessible legal insights to all.

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